The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as arguably the most influential holders of that position in the nation's history. While numerous second-in-commands were confined to minor or ceremonial roles, Cheney held huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and claimed the connection was more complex. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always calling him in public settings as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their relationship as a partnership because it suggested that they were equals. Regardless of such protestations, Cheney found the easygoing president malleable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a faction of neo-conservatives that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a session at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the downing of any non-communicating aircraft heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the strikes altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on retaliation. Together with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the enhanced interrogation of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on misleading information repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the correct action to do back then. I was convinced then and I believe it now."
But even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, lying, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had composed a memorandum setting out situations in which US concerns might be endangered (featuring "availability of crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be postured to act independently when collective action cannot be orchestrated," specifically mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the presidency vaguely intent on implementing what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of diminishing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a likeness of his predecessor's visage that each person had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement behind attacking Iraq, frequently citing information documents that were both insubstantial or entirely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush White House politely called as "intensive questioning", the use of simulated drowning and torture.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no valuable data had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and create initiatives to apprehend the bastards who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a dark force directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his lair? It's a nice way to function, in fact."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his business interests followed him during his tenure as VP. Although he had limited background in business but strong connections in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US deals totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his period at the firm rose from his $258,394 during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at over $20m|twenty
